Thus far, Israel’s brilliant tactical operations have crippled the ability of Hamas to punish the IDF in return. As of January 12th, three weeks into the conflict, only ten Israeli soldiers have fallen, while between six and eight hundred Hamas terrorists have been killed—exact figures are unavailable, due both to battlefield challenges and the propaganda effort by Hamas to claim that virtually every casualty is a civilian (Hamas has ordered even its uniformed security forces to shift to civilian clothing).

On the IDF’s side, a new level of combined arms operations has been in evidence, with superb coordination between the infantry, armor, engineers and special operators—all working with close air support and naval gunfire, in addition to standard tube artillery. But will the IDF close with the enemy in the worst urban slums to rip out the heart of Hamas? The decision lies in the hands of Israel’s government—with an election looming at home and grave doubts as to whether the incoming U.S. administration will continue to support Israel’s right to self-defense.

For its part, Hamas can claim only two successes. The first is dramatic, but counter-productive: Hamas has been able to continue to fire terror rockets, if in diminishing numbers, into Israel, striking homes and public buildings and killing some Israelis. Yet, the suffering these ongoing rocket attacks cause among Palestinians as the conflict drags on is far graver than any tangible penalty imposed on Israel. All Hamas needs to do to stop the fighting is to cease firing the rockets and agree to let Israel live in peace. But Hamas won’t—since Israel’s destruction is its sole cause and reason for being.

Khaled Meshal, the supreme leader of Hamas, has ordered his street-level fighters and commanders in Gaza to fight to the bitter end. Of course, Meshal himself is safe in Damascus, Syria. Hamas clearly has no concern with the suffering of the Palestinian people—only with power and its ultimate dream of butchering all Israelis.

Meanwhile, dead Palestinian women and children, however inflated the numbers may be by Hamas spokespersons, leftwing NGOs (non-governmental organizations) and the global media, are currently Hamas’s most effective weapon. Hamas places such importance on propaganda that it constantly attempts–sometimes successfully–to lure the IDF to fire upon buildings where civilians have gathered for safety. Which brings us to Hamas’s second success: Internationally, it’s winning the propaganda war. The Hamas leadership understands that it cannot defeat the IDF in battle. But it’s convinced that Israel can be beaten in the media, that global outrage will save the terrorist organization before the IDF can complete its mission. To that end, Hamas is willing to sacrifice as many Palestinian civilians as it takes. No rocket, booby trap or ambush is as valuable to Hamas as a child’s body (of course, the children of Hamas’s top leaders are not put at risk).

The lesson comes in two parts: First, cynicism works. The greatest strength of Hamas is its utter ruthlessness. Second, the media are now fully a party to warfare—to the extent that slanted coverage can change a conflict’s outcome by exciting international or domestic outrage. While the media failed to defeat the U.S. in Iraq, it was a near-run thing. In 2006, the hostile international media essentially helped Israel defeat itself. Now pro-Hamas, pro-terror and frankly anti-Jewish, anti-Israel journalists and camera-gunners are determined to rescue Hamas from the IDF.

The media are the terrorists’ last, best hope. Welcome to 21st-century warfare!

Ralph Peters reported from the Lebanese border during the 2006 war and has made many trips to the Middle East. His forthcoming novel, The War After Armageddon (September 2009) tells the tale of a future war in the wake of Israel’s nuclear destruction.

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